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MONTREAL – Quebec’s premier says she believes a gunman was trying to kill her on the night she was elected.
Pauline Marois told a television talk show that she initially didn’t realize what was happening in the chaos of the Sept,Parajumpers salg. 4 shooting outside the Parti Quebecois victory rally.
She said it was only after she got home at the end of the night, while talking to her family, that she realized the shooter might have been aiming for her.
She said she now believes she was the target of a political assassination attempt,www.jongvel.org.
“I believe it was an assassination attempt,” she said, using the French word, “attentat,Parajumpers jakke,” during an appearance on the Radio-Canada talk show “Tout le monde en parle.”
“I believe there was a political element to it.”
She referred to TV images of the suspected shooter, Richard Henry Bain, who shouted,moncler lans, “The English are waking up,” as he was arrested.
He is accused of shooting two people,Parajumpers norge, and killing sound technician Denis Blanchette.
The shootings took place in back of the building, behind the stage where Marois was delivering her victory speech. A fire was also set outside the building.
Marois said on the talk show, which aired Sunday, that she left the stage, but came back because she wanted to calm the crowd.
She said she was afraid the crowd might panic, causing a stampede.
Marois had been whisked away by her security guards. She said the guards “weren’t very happy” with her decision to return to the stage to finish her speech.
She said that, at the event, she thought the shooter might have been randomly targeting people at the event. Marois explained that she later realized she might have been the intended target.
The Radio-Canada segment featured a wide-ranging discussion that touched on energy policy, tax hikes, and language.
In response to a question from the moderator, who asked whether Marois’ support for striking students earlier this year cost her a majority government she said,moncler norge, “Maybe.”
But she said she was being responsible by listening to the students and criticized the previous Liberal government for letting the social crisis fester.
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Toronto Mayor Rob Ford has been removed from office and has 14 days to vacate his seat, after a judgment from Ontario Superior Court Judge Charles Hackland Monday morning.
Hackland, the same judge who famously tossed out former MP Helena Guergis’ lawsuit against Prime Minister Stephen Harper, had been deliberating on a case that revolved around Ford’s decision in February to vote during a council meeting on whether he should be forced to repay money he solicited from city lobbyists and businesses for his personal football charity in 2010, while he was still a city councillor.
 to leave office,www.jongvel.org, but it does not bar him from running for office again, as Hackland wrote that he will “decline to impose any further disqualification.”
“In view of the respondent’s leadership role in ensuring integrity in the municipal government, it is difficult to accept an error-in-judgment defence based essentially on a stubborn sense of entitlement (concerning his football foundation) and a dismissing and confrontational attitude to the integrity commissioner and the code of conduct,” Hackland wrote in his judgment. “In my opinion, the respondents’ actions were characterized by ignorance of the law and a lack of diligence in securing professional advice, amounting to willful blindness.”
Ford said he will appeal and if he loses, he will run in a byelection to reclaim his seat.
“I’ll be first on the ballot,” he told reporters.?”This comes down to left-wing politics. The left wing wants me out of here and they will do anything in their power.
“Sometimes you win, sometimes you lose.”
Ford said he will continue his fight for the taxpayers.
 is expected to step in as interim mayor. Council can agree to appoint Holyday mayor until the next election, can appoint someone else as mayor, or can call a byelection within 60 days. Ford would be able to run for re-election in a byelection.
The case began when the city’s integrity commissioner, Janet Leiper, ruled that Ford had acted inappropriately when he used city letterhead to ask for donations to the Rob Ford Football Foundation,www.bluesbikers.com, which gives sports equipment to low-income students,moncler down jacket, and then accepted $3,150 from seven lobbyists and their clients, including .
Council tossed out the integrity commissioner’s order at the February meeting. But Toronto resident Paul Magder sued Ford,moncler norge, saying it was a conflict of interest for him to have voted on the motion. At the time, Ford told council he shouldn’t have to pay back the donations because they had already been spent. “The money is gone,” he said. “The money has been spent on football equipment.”
At a hearing in September,moncler lans, ?he had expected city legal staff to warn him if he was in a conflict of interest and that his charity fundraising activities hadn’t violated any city rules because neither he nor the city benefited from the donations.
His lawyer, Alan Lenczner, argued that neither the integrity commissioner, nor council, had the authority to order Ford to repay the donations in the first place.
Magder’s lawyer, Clayton Ruby, accused Ford of “ and argued the mayor was a seasoned municipal politician who should have been familiar enough with city rules to know that councillors must declare a conflict when they stand to financially benefit from a council vote.
Councillor Paula Fletcher said it’s an unfortunate situation,http://www.jongvel.org/parajumpers/.
“All he had to do was pay back the money,” ?she said. “When he chose not to do that, he chose a different path.”
She said she was “embarrassed” on behalf of the city that a court had to remove the mayor.
Ford’s , the Don Bosco Eagles, is both legendary and controversial. Earlier this month, he left a council meeting early, skipping an important discussion on the city’s $8.4-billion light-rail transit plan, to coach a playoff game that ended in a fight. The city later sent two Toronto Transit Commission buses to the game at the request of police, kicking paying customers off in the rain to ferry Ford’s football players. Ford later came under fire for calling TTC CEO Andy Byford and demanding to know when the buses would arrive.
Ford’s legal troubles are far from over. The mayor still faces a ruling in a separate by restaurateur George Foulidis after Ford highlighted an 20-year contract awarded to Fouldis’ beach-side cafe as part of his 2010 mayoral campaign, saying the deal “stinks to high heaven.”
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In Nova Scotia, locals will tell you, lobsters used to be poor-man’s food, and prisoners were once fed so much of it that they rioted. In his celebrated essay “Consider the Lobster,” David Foster Wallace states that “even in the harsh penal environment of early America,www.bluesbikers.com, some colonies had laws against feeding lobsters to inmates more than once a week because it was thought to be cruel and unusual, like making people eat rats.”
In the restaurants of Canadian cities, the experience is the opposite—lobster is purveyed as a luxury food. A bit of claw,moncler lans, or a couple of slices of tail arrive, balanced on a carefully sculpted tower of julienne vegetables and a cappuccino froth, with an altogether heftier bill that comes later. Poached lobster at Vancouver’s C Restaurant will set you back $38. A couple of “lobster spoons,” the morsels braised in butter with vermouth, will cost a diner at Mark McEwan’s restaurant One, in Toronto, $26 before tax and tip, and a lobster carbonara $38.
Compare these dishes with others on the same menus and you will see that plates featuring Atlantic lobster at One sell for more than others featuring lamb or steak tartare, and at C for more than twice the price of “Pacific fish & chips.” And yet lobster is wholesaling in the Atlantic provinces at record low prices. Matthew Theriault, whose lobster-fishing rig Beth and Lyne sails out of Digby, N.S., into St. Marys Bay and the Bay of Fundy, has kept meticulous records that show the price he gets now is down a third since its 2007 peak of roughly $6 per pound. Today lobster is easily available for retail at $5 a pound in Digby and for less than $10 a pound in big city superstores—about the same price as haddock and less than cod, and half or even a third the price of lamb and beef.
Says one industry insider, unperturbed, “Wholesalers aren’t charging much, probably close to $5 per pound,http://www.jongvel.org/parajumpers/, and if the restaurants charge $20 for the same, that’s not really out of step with anything else they put on the plate. A 25 per cent food cost is pretty basic and a lot less of a markup than, say, an $18 pizza at a Toronto pizzeria that only costs management a dollar.”
And yet the glut of lobsters in both the American and Canadian markets is unprecedented, at least in this and the last century, a phenomenon that is not reflected at upmarket city restaurants. In 2010, the landing of 64,000 metric tonnes was three times the take of the mid-1970s. Lobster ?shermen are by nature a tight-lipped bunch,moncler norge, but local accounts suggest 2011’s was a record catch, and this year’s may well be larger.
Neither Fisheries and Oceans Canada nor local fishermen are quite able to explain augmented hauls that are likely more than cyclical. Harold “Junior” Theriault, the popular MLA for Digby, and instrumental for 35 years in Lobster Fishing Area 34 (which stretches along the Bay of Fundy from Digby to Shelburne on the South Shore and is likely the most lucrative in all of Canada), suspects the depletion of cod, a natural predator of lobster larvae, to be the cause, and a rise in the temperature of the Bay of Fundy water to be the reason for soft-shelled lobster shedding twice a year, depressing prices even more.
Marty Gidney, who minds the Little River holding pound of the Fisherman’s Market,Parajumpers jakke, the Nova Scotian wholesaler, attributes the record catches to an excess of licences in the district. “Nearly a thousand boats landing 1,200 lb. a day. There’s just too much of it.” Gidney is skeptical about the disappearing ground?sh as predator theory, however. “What are the lobster eating?” says Gidney. “They eat the poops and the crap on the bottom. So what are they eating now?”
“Maybe each other?” says Junior Theriault,Parajumpers salg, with a throaty laugh.
A number of factors have combined to create today’s perfect storm of imperfect demand, the economic recession having worsened a situation in which the size of the catch has risen, though hardly on pace with costs. Fuel prices alone have skyrocketed—double today what they were when the price of lobster started its descent in 2008. The landing of inferior soft-shell lobsters in Maine and many Canadian districts is, according to Matthew Theriault, “all going to the processors and flooding them with a poor-quality product,” affecting even the excellent hard-shell product of District 34. Thus the bountiful catch is all the more frustrating. A harvest the fishermen did not dare dream of a few years ago is now, despite its mass, worth less.
Still, lobster is being sold as a luxury food, its exorbitant cost a part of the appeal when a little price elasticity on the part of the restaurateur might actually bolster demand and help the trade. Even in Digby, yards from the wharf where the draggers and the lobster boats come in, the prized crustacean is being offered in restaurants at $19 to $25 a pound. Diners extracting every delicious hidden smidgen from lobsters—found in the 19th century in such “unbelievable abundance” that, writes Wallace, the ground would be littered with them after hard storms (as happened a couple of years ago in the seaside town of Petit-Rocher, N.B.)—are proving themselves suckers of another kind, paying for food that is so underpriced at the moment that it might as well be served in prisons again.
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In Mexico, Daniel Balcorta had it good. Three cars, a house with a pool,moncler norge, lavish meals at Cancun’s top restaurants—such were the perks of a successful realtor selling beachfront on the Yucatan coastline. A former professional soccer player, Balcorta had paired minor celebrity with a strong grasp of Internet commerce, and developed a thriving business catering to well-heeled snowbirds from the U.S. and Canada. “I even had a private jet I’d rent to fly around my clients viewing properties,” says the 34-year-old ruefully. “We lived a very comfortable life.”
One call to his cellphone would change that. It was Aug. 14, 2009,Parajumpers jakke, and the man with the raspy voice on the other end introduced himself as a representative of “the Company”—gangster-speak for Los Zetas, a notorious criminal cartel known throughout Mexico for drug trafficking and extortion. The time had come for Balcorta to pay,moncler jakker, the man said, and the price was 500,000 pesos (about $50,Parajumpers norge,000). “You must have the wrong person,http://www.jongvel.org/parajumpers/,” Balcorta responded, and he promptly hung up.
But the man called back, and thus began a month-long nightmare during which the gangsters called Balcorta and his wife, Maria, no less than 10 times demanding they pay up or else. When the Balcortas stopped answering, the gangsters left voice mails threatening their lives and those of their children,Parajumpers salg, aged 5 and 2. On Aug. 17, Maria took a call at the house in which a man told her the Zetas would kill Balcorta “or a member of your family” unless she persuaded her husband to co-operate. They complained to police—twice—but the calls kept coming.
The tipping point came Aug. 30, when the family returned from the luxury mall at Plaza la Isla to find their gate ajar and their front door pried open. The contents of the house were untouched: “We’d left $200 on the table to pay some bills,” Balcorta marvels. “They didn’t take it.” But by then they’d noticed strangers watching their house from vehicles parked on the street. When their call to police about the break-in went unanswered yet again, the Balcortas planned their escape. That day, they moved to a friend’s house, and on Sept. 13, they boarded a plane for Calgary, where they claimed asylum under Canada’s refugee protection laws.
With their Louis Vuitton clothing and laptop computers, the Balcortas are not your stereotypical refugees. Rather, they typify a wave of asylum-seekers whose flight from their home country has been dubbed the “Mexodus”—a mass withdrawal of monied, skilled Mexicans whose wealth has made them targets for narco-gangs back home. In the last six years, there have been some 286,000 complaints of extortion in the country, while an estimated two million shakedowns go unreported each year, most of them done over throwaway cellphones.
Many victims initially applied for U.S. visas, under provisions admitting people willing and financially able to start new businesses. But as the gangs turned to extortion and kidnapping for income about four years ago, an increasing number began seeking asylum on the grounds that they are persecuted and in need of protection. In 2009, Canada’s Immigration and Refugee Board () received an astounding 9,000 claims from Mexico—more than triple the number five years earlier, and a figure that prompted the federal government to slap a visa requirement on visitors (it achieved the desired effect: by 2011, only 763 sought asylum).
The IRB doesn’t track claimants by income, and its decisions remain private unless an applicant appeals to federal court. But the handful of cases in the public domain point to a disturbing pattern. Shortly before the Balcortas arrived, the board heard the story of Javier Castillo Mendoza, a former distributor of Hewlett-Packard office equipment who testified he received a series of demands for cash over the phone before he was kidnapped by corrupt police in August 2005. He was released, he said, after his wife delivered an $8,000 ransom to a local police station. After receiving another extortion demand in April 2007—this time for $25,000—he closed his business and fled to Toronto with his wife and four children.
Mendoza’s plight, in turn, closely resembled that of Alejandro Blando, a distributor of wireless network plans who in 2008 came under threats from men claiming links to Mexico’s Federal Investigation Agency. In Blando’s case, the callers didn’t want money but undocumented phone lines through which—presumably—they could conduct illegal business.
Such cases pose a dilemma for countries like Canada and the U.S., says Paul Rexton Kan, a professor at the U.S. Army War College who has studied Mexico’s so-called “narco-refugees.” Giving safe haven to Mexico’s skilled and wealthy flies in the face of the spirit of NAFTA, he notes, but the plain truth is their own government can’t shield them. “There’s no such thing as witness protection in Mexico,” says Kan from his office in Carlisle Barracks, Pa. “Only five per cent of crimes get solved, and only two per cent result in conviction. You have the basic collapse of judicial and law enforcement systems.”
That sense of conflicting obligations has played out in Canada in cases where the IRB has been reluctant to extend asylum to wealthy Mexicans, and the federal court has told it to reconsider. In several cases, including Balcorta’s, the IRB has concluded that monied Mexicans don’t qualify for asylum because all Mexicans face gang crime, and the offers no protection against “a risk faced generally by other individuals.” The court, however, has held that a wealthy person singled out by the gangsters faces a very specific threat. “The risks of those standing in the same vicinity of the gunman,” wrote Justice Michel Shore in sending Balcorta’s case back for another IRB hearing, “cannot be considered the same as the risks of those standing directly in front of him.”
The stalemate is unlikely to last. Last week, Prime Minister Stephen Harper confirmed the government’s plan to lift the visa requirement on Mexicans travelling to Canada—a move that could open the gates to another flood of asylum claims. To avoid that scenario, the feds are expected to add Mexico to Canada’s list of “designated safe countries,” which would make it easier to deport refugees claimants after the IRB rejects them. , an immigration law expert with Queen’s University, believes that would be a mistake: “If you look at the stats, you’re going to see a significant percentage of well-founded claims from Mexico. The federal court has [examined] some of these IRB decisions, found that they got it wrong and sent them back.”
The Balcortas, meanwhile, have their second shot at refuge in an as-yet unscheduled IRB hearing. Their children—Carla, 8, Rodrigo, 4, and Santiago, 2—are “Canadian through and through,” Daniel says (unbeknownst to him, Maria was pregnant with their third when they fled Mexico). And though lack of immigration status has hampered his job searches, he’s found work as a marketing consultant while coaching top-flight youth soccer teams in his spare time. To top it off, Balcorta was nominated last week for one of Calgary’s coveted —a gesture that reinforced his belief that one day those threatening phone calls will prove a blessing. “Canada,” he says, “has moral values that other countries have lost.”
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If you’re like me, you don’t see the Canada Border Service Agency’s recent as a whole lot more exploitive than,Parajumpers norge, say, . Or . Or .
So why are we suddenly exercised at the idea of camera crews following CBSA officers as they raid construction sites in search of illegal immigrants? Because the suspects might be innocent? Because their alleged transgression doesn’t rise to the level of—I dunno— who tries to play fast and loose with a Money Mart,moncler lans?
The real problem,Parajumpers jakke, to my thinking, is how infrequently we get to watch the enforcement arms of the state in action without those agencies filtering the message—and the dust-up over the CBSA deal illustrates the point. To get past the blue-sky planning stage,?Force Four Entertainment, the production company behind the project, an agreement allowing the feds to vet the show to ensure they ?won’t portray the border agency in a negative light. Which means the finished product is bound to be a whole lot different than if, say, a crew from?the fifth estate went along for the raids.
These bargains for access are increasingly common in TV production, and they speak to a growing tendency within law enforcement to co-operate with media only for purposes of self-promotion. To Serve and Protect set the template: it’s the Canadian knockoff of an American show tailored to aggrandize cops. In short, we get one side of the story.
So before we declare immigration raids off limits to the media, let’s remember the public interest underlying the CBSA’s mission—quaint as that might sound. I,moncler down jacket, for one, would watch a program that juxtaposed the harsh realities of enforcement work against the human plight of Honduran migrants eking out a life in Canada’s underground economy. I doubt I’m going to get that from the production. So if the Minister of Public Safety wants to do me a favour, he’ll swing open the door to more on-scene coverage of border enforcement teams in action, by a wider variety of media, with a lot less stage management. We might see the flaws and excesses of our duly empowered authorities. We might even see their virtues.
All within the bounds of the law, of course: the potential for children to be among those being filmed is troubling (it’s not like they choose to migrate, legally or illegally). So one expects the same careful editing and pixelating on the part of Force Four we get from To Serve and Protect, where minors are conspicuously absent. A spokeswoman for Force Four says its shows will be vetted by lawyers to ensure privacy rights are not violated.
I know: dream on. Nothing about the deal Vic Toews signed off on suggests an interest in public enlightenment. It’s just a bit of politics—some theatre-of-the-living to fill the air on National Geographic channel, whose venerable brand belies the increasing hollowness of its content.
The scandal is not that we’ll see the CBSA raids on such limited terms. It&#8217,www.bluesbikers.com;s that this is the only way we get to see them,moncler jakker.
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